Archive | Syriza RSS feed for this section

Yanis Varoufakis’s fantasy politics

12 Sep

TCM contributing editor Lee Jones has a piece in Jacobin magazine critiquing Yanis Varoufakis and his DIEM 25 movement. You can read it here.

 

Advertisements

The technocrats’ populist

21 Sep

Anyone who is serious about democracy in Europe will need to think long and hard about yesterday’s Greek election result. Syriza’s rise to political influence in Greece has been a disaster for democracy. Syriza’s major political achievement has been to depoliticise the Greek people, to convince them openly to agree to being ruled by someone other than their own elected representatives.

The turnout at around 55 per cent was low. This should not come as a surprise. Local authority elections generally have lower turnouts and, since Alex Tsipras had already signed away Greece’s sovereignty in the bailout deal in July, Greek voters were being asked to vote for a government with the powers of a local authority. The largest group of voters supported Tsipras’s Syriza party, endorsing the view that austerity implemented by a party that claims to be against it is the best that can be done. As low political horizons go, these are minimal indeed. The idea that the Greeks’ should have a national government accountable to themselves rather than to the Eurozone was marginalized, with the breakaway Popular Unity party achieving less than three per cent and no seats in parliament.

Alex Tsipras has pulled off a remarkable political feat. He now has the opportunity to become the modernising new broom in Greece, a new broom to be wielded by the Eurozone’s technocrats. And he has done that off the back of months of militant populist posturing in the bailout negotiations. How has he achieved that this astonishing volte face? The pivotal moment was his U-turn after the No vote in July’s referendum. Having mobilized the Greek people for a show of defiance, he then cut the ground from under it by immediately agreeing to what the Eurozone wanted. To many this looked like a betrayal of the party’s anti-austerity mandate. But Syriza came to power in January on a contradictory political platform of no to austerity, yes to the Eurozone. Tsipras has exploited that contradiction effectively. He survived the U-turn because having led the Greeks to make a show of defiance in the referendum, they were prepared to resign themselves immediately to the bailout deal since that was all that was on offer from the Eurozone, they were committed to remaining within. And, having survived that, Tsipras has now renewed his mandate by decisively seeing off the anti-Eurozone left in his own party. The Greek people have in the process openly endorsed a political arrangement in which their government will be the servant of distant, unaccountable powers.

It would be a mistake however to attribute Tsipras’s achievements only to his political cunning and skill. No doubt he has some of these talents, but it has to be recognised that he owes his current position to the fact that the wider Greek left was in no position to give the Greek people any confidence in their own capacity to take their political destiny into their own hands. The left was unable to inspire the Greek people to free itself from the clutches of the European banks that are demanding and, courtesy of the Eurozone, getting kilos of its flesh. The left was unable to give a lead with a clear independent platform that explained what a disaster Syriza’s contradictory position would prove. As a result, when the crunch came in July, Greek citizens had nowhere to go, except to make their show of defiance and then resign.

The politics of the Greek bailout involve the relations of a small, peripheral European nation to the Eurozone. By contrast the politics of the forthcoming British referendum involve the relations of a major European nation to the EU. There are significant differences between the two situations. However there is one critical question that is common to both. Are our governments to be accountable to us, their citizens, or will we allow them to be accountable instead to other European governments before they are accountable to us? For the process of insulating governmental decision-making from popular accountability is common to both the EU and the Eurozone. The left’s problem with inspiring a self-confident democratic movement is far from unique to Greece. With Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party opting to subordinate domestic political accountability to the EU apparatus, the Greek debacle demonstrates the urgent need to begin to address the left’s historic failing and to make an unambiguous case for the sovereignty of the people.

Peter Ramsay

Dreaming dangerously

8 Jul

Slavoj Zizek’s response to the Greek referendum  apologises for a potentially fatal flaw in Syriza’s strategy.

For Slavoj Zizek a lesson to be drawn from Syriza’s referendum victory last Sunday is that:

‘The moment has come to move beyond the irrelevant debates about the possible mistakes and misjudgments of the Greek government. The stakes are now much too high.’

Zizek is right that we should take no notice of the criticisms of Syriza for not compromising enough with the European institutions. However, we need to be very alert to the fact that, notwithstanding the Syriza leadership’s charisma and elan, their pro-Euro strategy and rhetoric are a potential disaster for the Greek people and for the European left.

Zizek’s own argument throws up the key reason to continue to debate Syriza’s approach. He argues that in the face of ‘the technocratic status quo that has kept Europe in inertia for decades’:

‘only a new “heresy” (represented at this moment by Syriza) can save what is worth saving in European legacy: democracy, trust in people, egalitarian solidarity.’

He points out that ‘democracy, trust in the people, egalitarian solidarity’ is a program that is no more radical than that which was once put forward by moderate social democracy. But he also observes that Syriza, in promoting this moderate ‘heresy’ through its campaign to stay in the Eurozone, ‘effectively wants something that is not possible within the coordinates of the existing global system.’  But if that is right, then Zizek’s new heresy, as it is ‘represented by Syriza’, is really a fantasy, because Syriza, throughout the referendum campaign and since, has promoted the idea of a European Union characterized by ‘democracy, trust in people, egalitarian solidarity’, something that Zizek knows is not possible.

The reason it is not possible is that both the Euro and the wider European Union are technocratic projects that remove full political control of Europe’s economies from its national governments. In the Eurozone, control of policy is handed over to intergovernmental forums at European level, such as the Eurogroup of finance ministers that is presided over by Zizek’s ‘emblematic bad guy’ in the Greek drama, Dutch finance minister, Jeroen Dijsselbloem. In these European forums, national leaders technocratically impose the dictates of the market, insulated from the tawdry ‘ideological’ contestation of electoral politics (aka democratic accountability). In other words, the Euro is founded on distrust of the people, frustrating democracy and evading solidarity; these are its raison d’etre.

While Syriza has exposed and provoked Europe’s technocratic politicians, it has failed to understand that technocratic intransigence and democratic deficit are constitutional features of the Euro project. As a consequence of this failure, it has convinced the Greek people to vote for two mutually exclusive positions – No to technocracy and austerity, Yes to the Euro. This contradiction in Syriza’s strategy presents a serious danger to both Greece and European democracy generally.

Perhaps, when Zizek says that Syriza represents his heresy of ‘democracy, trust in the people, egalitarian solidarity’, he means that Syriza will now show its true colours. If Greece is kicked out of the Eurozone, Syriza can say to the Greek people: ‘we did everything possible to return the Eurozone to a moderate social democratic path, but it is just not possible. Now we must do something different.’ And no doubt Greek officials are working hard on technical contingency plans for Grexit. The problem is that Syriza appears to have done nothing politically to prepare either the Greek people or their supporters for such a radical change of direction, at least not in public. Syriza’s leaders have instead insisted that a No vote is a vote to stay in the Eurozone. If its true colours really are anti-Euro, then the Syriza leadership is waiting a dangerously long time to show them.

From the point of view of the Eurozone, ejecting Greece from the Euro would be a mark of the failure of the technocratic project of European integration. And that is giving Eurozone leaders pause for thought. Perhaps, given the growing evidence of the failure of their project, and their own resultant political weakness, the Eurozone leaders will throw in the towel and come around to the Syriza heresy. But just writing that down indicates how unlikely it is, which is why Zizek doesn’t believe it is possible either.

If Greece is forced out of the Eurozone, Syriza may find itself presiding over an economic collapse that it has claimed all along will not happen. In the medium-term, Grexit may be good for the Greek economy. But in the short run it will be very difficult indeed, and given that Syriza has not prepared its supporters or Greece for Grexit, executing such a sudden political U-turn in dire economic straits, will test the Greek left’s credibility, inventiveness, and coherence to the limit. The alternative to Grexit appears to be that Tsipras tries to sell a deal that is no better (or not much better) than the one they were offered before the referendum, which will be a political disaster for Syriza.

Neither of these alternatives seems likely to achieve more democracy, trust in the people or solidarity. Instead they each threaten only to reinforce the popular perception that even such a moderate program is no more than a fantasy of left-wing dreamers. The danger lies not in the moderate ideological content of Syriza’s demands as such, but in Syriza’s fostering of the illusion that these moderate demands can be met within the Eurozone. It is this problem that Zizek’s merely laudatory response to the referendum result obscures.

The unraveling of Syriza’s pro-Euro strategy risks further lowering political horizons in Europe, and stripping the radical left of its recently regained credibility at a time when mainstream politics also lacks authority. Further fragmentation in public life, especially in Greece, is in prospect. Debating whether Syriza’s strategy has been a good one seems anything but irrelevant. The stakes are much too high not to debate it.

Peter Ramsay

Syriza has not been radical enough

7 Jul

The Syriza-led government has been blamed for much of the current impasse between Greece and its creditors. It may not be responsible for the dire economic state of the country, commentators note, but it has done everything to make that situation worse. Accused of bringing Greece and possibly even the Eurozone to its knees all in the name of its radical Marxist doctrines, the problem of Syriza is in fact the opposite. Syriza has not been radical enough.

The dirty secret of the Greek crisis

A confusing aspect of the Greek crisis has been the extent of disagreement between Greece and its creditors. Commentators have regularly presented the Syriza-led government as a group of dangerous mavericks, led by a student radical and a celebrity academic-blogger. Impatience with what were considered unacceptable demands from the Greek negotiating team spilled out in recent weeks with Christine Lagarde in particular saying that Tsipras and his colleagues needed to ‘grow-up’ and act like adults rather than like truculent children.

This vision of an unbridgeable gulf between the radical demands of Syriza and the German-led austerian orthodoxy masks what is perhaps the dirty secret of the whole Greek crisis: the sheer moderation of the Greek government’s demands. Faced with such economic and social turmoil, the Greek response has been remarkably mild. The Greek demands include some consideration of debt relief, more flexibility on the implementation of structural reform programmes, a slight reorientation of budget cuts so as to hit less the poor and a bit more the well-off, and all this couched within a firm and heartfelt commitment to remain in the Eurozone. There is nothing radical here and as the recent report from the IMF suggests, it is almost conventional wisdom that some amount of debt relief will have to come at some point. We are thus faced with a complete breakdown in negotiations at a time when the actual gap between creditors and debtor is remarkably small. Syriza has been vilified for its extremism but the truth is that its position has not been nearly as radical as it should be.

Syriza’s utopian strategy

From the outset and including last Sunday’s referendum, the Syriza strategy has been based on a completely utopian premise: that the prime minister and finance minister can convert the rest of the Eurozone to a post-austerity economic programme where losses are written off and more breathing room is given to crisis-hit countries. This has been the Syriza wager: that it alone can convince the rest of the Eurozone to change course.

The difficulty is that on this point Syriza has missed the historical boat. Ever since the Maastricht Treaty, European integration has entered into a ‘new intergovernmental’ phase. Member states have moved forward with integration but have kept themselves at the heart of the process. Real and lasting delegations of power to supranational institutions has been kept to a minimum, with national governments preferring to beef up bodies such as the Eurogroup and the European Council. New agencies have been created instead of giving more powers to the European Commission. Even the current vice-President of the European Commission Frans Timmermans declared recently that “ever closer union” was dead. Syriza’s vision of debt mutualisation and hope for an ever closer and more politically integrated Eurozone has fallen on deaf ears. The future is lies in incremental change overseen by national governments.

The only real negotiating power Syriza has stems from the fact that whilst Eurozone membership has long had an existential quality for Greek citizens and the Greek political class, this is also true of other member states. They are also committed to keeping the Eurozone together as it appears to them as a condition of their own statehood. This is why the creditors keep coming back to the negotiating table even when they said they have had enough. There is real no alternative to the Euro for both Greece and the other members of the Eurozone.

Why is structural reform so difficult?

Part of the difficulty faced by the Greek government in its negotiations is that the implementation of structural reform amounts to a profound transformation of the Greek state. It is not laziness or hypocrisy that makes structural reform difficult in Greece.

The post-authoritarian Greek state was rebuilt along two lines. One involved a commitment to EC membership, with the EC serving as a guarantor of the modernity and economic development. Democratization in Greece was made conditional upon integration into EC institutions, as was the case in Spain and Portugal. The other was the ‘Pasokisation’ of the Greek political economy, where state-society ties passed through the dominant role of the Pasok party in redistributing public wealth.

This sort of clientelism survives today in the form of the government’s financial commitments to its public sector employees and pensioners. Reform of these sectors, as demanded by the Troika, amount to a profound restructuring of the social basis of the post-dictatorship Greek state. Hardly an easy task nor one that can be achieved through external monitoring by EU technocrats. The difficulty for Greece today is that the European dimension of its statehood no longer matches its domestic political economy. One of the two has to give.

The Left and self-determination

Syriza’s position has not been radical enough. It has tried to balance a commitment to Eurozone membership with an anti-austerity message. Far from being a strategic or even a tactical choice, this reflects a deep-seated ambivalence that takes us to a basic problem facing the European Left today: its position on national self-determination.

Over the last few decades, European social democracy has abandoned national sovereignty, preferring to throw its lot in with the European Union. This is what gave the recent referendum in Greece its terrible pathos. On the one hand, the ‘No’ was a powerful affirmation of a Greek desire to reject the terms of the agreement with its creditors. On the other, the ‘No’ lacked any real content as no-one was willing to contemplate exit from the Eurozone. The Greeks are left to celebrate their ‘No’ whilst their future remains out of their hands.

To seek ‘ever closer political union’, as thinkers like Jurgen Habermas do, is to pursue a dream that is even less likely to be realized today than ever before. It was often said that those who believe in national democracy are the fantasists and dreamers, the “small state nostalgists” as Habermas calls them. In fact, the real fantasists are those who think that a democratically organized supranational Europe can emerge out of an institution like the Eurogroup or the European Parliament. Compared to that fantasy, exit from the Eurozone appears a much more tangible option that Syriza should embrace instead of shy away from. They talk the talk of national sovereignty but do not follow it through.

Dismantle the Eurozone

The right response to the current crisis is to dismantle the Eurozone. As it stands, there is no way of reconciling national democracy with a continued commitment to Eurozone membership.

Ever since it was created, the common currency has served to sharpen the differences between national economies in Europe. Diverging rates of competitiveness were masked by easy access to credit, something which ended in 2009. We are left with a situation where national populations are expected to bear the full brunt of adjustment whilst governments have no freedom of manoeuvre in either monetary or fiscal policy.

These sorts of expectations about internal adjustment to wages and prices are what brought the Gold Standard to an end, precisely because it became incompatible with national democracy. Only the involution of national democracy and the abandonment by the Left of its belief in national self-determination has allowed the Eurozone to survive thus far. It should be dismantled in order that national populations across Europe have a greater control over their fate.

Chris Bickerton

%d bloggers like this: